Discursive Pragmatics of T-Shirt Inscriptions: Constructing the Self, Context and Social Aspirations

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Pragmatics and Society
Accepted final version
To cite: Chiluwa, I. & Ajiboye, E. (forthcoming) ‘Discursive pragmatics of T-shirt
inscriptions: Constructing the self, context and social aspirations.’ Pragmatics and Society.

Discursive Pragmatics of T-Shirt Inscriptions: Constructing the Self,
Context and Social Aspirations

Innocent Chiluwa & Esther Ajiboye

Abstract

This study adopts a discourse-pragmatic analytical approach to examine the various ways
youths construct themselves and their group identities, their environment and socio-economic
aspirations using T-shirt messages and slogans. Two institutions of higher learning in Nigeria
are examined. Findings show that T-shirts combine fashion and youth popular culture with
need and identity negotiation. The youth not only assert who they are and what they wish to
be known for, but also express their aspirations for a better socio-economic and political
society. The needs for love and money are particularly stressed. The study also describes the
linguistic structures and style of T-shirt messages.

Keywords: T-shirts, discourse, pragmatics, messages, slogans, politics, society, Nigeria.

1. Introduction
The term ‘discursive pragmatics’ has been used to mean “the platform for the pragmatic study
of discourse” (Zienkowski 2011:1); and in the current study, we use it to represent the
combination of pragmatic and discourse analytical approaches. While pragmatics and
discourse analysis have the same interest in the studies of real-life discourses described in
terms of observable language use, pragmatic concerns are related to “functional and
communicative use of language conceived in terms of interactional processes and context
generation” (Zienkowski ibid.). Kasper (2006) has viewed discursive pragmatics as the
application of conversational analysis to the study of speech acts, where ‘discursive
pragmatics’ represents the view that “meaning and action are constituted not only in but
through social interaction” (p. 285). In the present study, we view discourse as meaning and
socio-cultural action performed through the language use of written or printed texts, and argue
that messages printed on T-shirts are forms of ‘pragmatic acts’ (Mey 2001) by which Nigerian
youths constructs their environment and social aspirations. According to Mey (2001),
“pragmatic acting can be considered as adapting oneself linguistically and otherwise to one’s
world,” and “all our acting is done in that world and within the affordances it puts at our
disposal” (p. 215). While performing pragmatic/discursive acts by means of certain printed
messages (thereby dissociating themselves from certain political group ideologies), the

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wearers of some types of T-shirts also construct for themselves particular identities. Hence,
we apply the appraisal framework to show that T-shirt wearers take some stances and
discursively construct for themselves particular identities by which they position themselves
and the Nigerian society they address. This article therefore attempts to provide answers to the
following questions: (i) How do Nigerian youths position themselves in the kind of T-shirt
messages they wear as members of the Nigerian society? (2) What particular identities do
they construct for themselves? (3) How do they represent their environment and needs?, and
(4) What socio-cultural and political future do they look forward to and what social actions
(or acts) do they perform while doing so?

2. T-Shirt Inscriptions

According to Barthes (2006), individuals, particularly young people in society have shown
that there is a difference between dress and dressing. While dressing is the actual act of
putting on some specific items of clothes, a dress is a system of shared meaning evoked by
elements of clothing and rules governing the allowed combinations. T-shirt
inscriptions/messages on the other hand, mediate between fashion and social discourse,
revealing that wearing a T-shirt with a message is much more than just putting on some
clothing. A T-shirt demonstrates that fashion indeed can speak.

A T-shirt is a slim, soft item of clothing, which is traditionally worn as an undergarment or
worn as a summer wear; it is also quite suitable for menial outdoor works, chores and sports.
In modern times however, the T-shirt has become “one of fashion’s basic items” that
“captures the pulse of the time” (Critchell 2013:1); it is especially popular with teenagers and
young adults. T-shirts are available in different sizes, styles and designs for men, women and
young children. Some T-shirts are also worn by animals (e.g. dogs).

Not only are T-shirts trendy fashion wears, they are also (more importantly) a medium for
individual and group self expression, reflecting values, affiliations, expectations and
aspirations. Since T-shirts ceased to be worn as mere undergarments in modern times, T-shirts
with popular designer name logos have become popular culture items with the youth. T-shirts
bearing messages, company logos, designs and slogans have been used as political/religious
and advertising campaigns. Hence, messages with different topics on politics, business,
environment and religion, among others are clearly displayed on T-shirts. Protesters and
activists also utilize this medium to voice their messages or grievances. In Nigeria for
example, a women’s group organized a protest against a N4 billion budget allocation for the
First Lady’s Mission House at Abuja; the T-shirt the protesters wore read: ‘N4B will create
plenty jobs, no to mission house; budgetary allocation? Be patient till you are elected!’
(Shiyanbola, 2013).1 Similarly, the recent #BringBackOurGirls protesters, in addition to their
campaign on Twitter, calling for the release of 276 schoolgirls abducted by Boko Haram
terrorists at Chibok in northeast Nigeria on the 14th of April, 2014, often wear the

1 Editor’s Note: as of September 7, 2014, USD 1 was worth NGN (Nigerian Nara) 162.35.

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#BringBackOurGirls T-shirts. A good number of celebrities have also used T-shirts to
promote their brands and popularity. Their fans and supporters would wear their celebrities’
T-shirts as a form of social identification. And as a form of hero worship, some T-shirt
wearers would don T-shirts that not only display slogans but also graphic representations or
photos of their heroes such as musicians, movie stars, athletes etc.

In Africa, T-shirts are worn all year round, unlike in temperate regions of the world, where
they are worn mostly during the summer. But even in temperate regions, T-shirts with slogans
that represent individual and group ideologies are worn during winter as an undergarment.
Whenever situations call for their exposure, the wearers simply pull off their jackets to expose
the message on their T-shirts. An example is what some footballers do when they score goals.
Mario Ballotelli (an Italian national football team striker) wears an under T-shirt that reads:
‘why always me?’ Also, Ricardo Kaka (a Brazilian one time FIFA footballer of the year) also
wears a T-shirt that says: ‘I can do all things through Christ.’ According to Critchell (2013),
youths practically ‘live’ in T-shirts.

While some T-shirt messages are comical and humorous, some others can be offensive,
shocking, and pornographic. Hence, some T-shirt messages have been criticized for
containing sexist and harmful comments. An example was reported by a New York newsletter
where parents had forced a children’s designer shop to discontinue ordering girls’ T-shirts.
The parents had complained that some T-shirt messages suggested that girls cannot excel in
Math (see http://newyork.cbs/local.com/2013/08/07/experts-discontinued-t-shirt-sent-
harmful-message-to-girls/). Nevertheless, T-shirts are unmistakably a fashion-oriented
medium that “allows kids to send a message without taking a fashion risk” (Critchell 2013:1).
Some political and social slogans that T-shirts often display have come to mirror the various
concerns of the modern world; which is one of the reasons that they have so profoundly
permeated different levels of culture and society.

3. Literature Review
Literature dealing with T-shirt inscriptions and messages is not common. A few works on T-
shirts (from disciplines other than linguistics) have only examined T-shirt designs and social
functions as items of fashion. Miller (2002) for instance, argues that T-shirts produced by the
fans of the Phish Rock Band feature borrowed and re-contextualized images, and function as
an expression of affiliation and affection for the Phish band. Kelly (2003) examines image
projection and expression of identity through T-shirts in Hawaii. Her study argues that there is
a casual self-image depicted by T-shirt wearers, as well as a depiction of imagery on the T-
shirts. The study concludes that T-shirt images are pertinent to the four major markets in
Hawaii (i.e. local, native Hawaiian, surfer, and tourist), and are intentionally worn to function
as badges of social identity and expressions of political loyalty. Glass (2008) draws
anthropological attention to the representative function of T-shirt souvenirs in the mediation
of social relations. The study observes that the T-shirts are produced as gifts and souvenirs to
remember local events, and also to flexibly identify social groups within communities in
British Columbia. A sociolinguistic study carried out by Barbara Johnstone suggests that

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Pittsburghese T-shirts are indicative of the existence of a Pittsburgh dialect in Pennsylvania
(Johnstone 2009). The study argues that Pittsburghese shirts are produced, circulated and
consumed with intent, which has contributed “to dialect enregisterment in at least four ways:
i.e. they put local speech on display; they imbue local speech with value; they standardize
local speech, and they link local speech with particular social meanings” (p. 157). Penny
(2009) argues that the use of political T-shirts in the American 2008 presidential campaigns
was a powerful and important medium of communication; though its exact role was
ambiguous, the medium would continue to remain a key feature of American political and
cultural life. Similarly, Ghilani (2013), examining the use of T-shirts as a type of propaganda
to promote the contributions of women in post-war America, argues that T-shirts like posters
with images of women heroes have continued to recruit female audiences.
Adrover (2013) examines the corporate logo (chiefly image) T-shirts in Ghana. The study
posits that T-shirts worn during the annual Fetu Afahye festival in Ghana are functional
discourses. While the corporate logo T-shirts are part of the marketing strategy of companies
that sponsor the festival, by contrast, when worn by chiefs, T-shirts are a means of brand
promotion and are used to nurture friendship and explore possibilities of future support from
the sponsors. However, the presence of T-shirts branded with a chief’s photograph is
suggestive of an assertion of political authority, and this serves as “a medium to resist sponsor
impositions and re-inscribe the space of the festival with distinctive forms of political
affiliations” (p. 58).
While most of the studies reviewed above focused on multimodal aspects of T-shirts such as
images and graphic forms and (in some cases) economic uses, studies that examine the
discursive content of T-shirt messages are almost non-existent, especially as it relates to the
Nigerian society. However, among works on discourse types that are structurally related to T-
shirt inscriptions are those of graffiti and bumper stickers (see Nwoye 1993; Ferrell 1995;
Chiluwa 2008). What these have in common is that they are printed on some surface; the
messages printed on them are generally brief and incisive, and target particular audiences.
Their messages are also used to address different topics that relate to social and cultural
practices (Salamon 2001), as well as express emotions (Newhagen & Ancell 1995). But
unlike bumper/vehicle stickers, T-shirts are more in use by youths and teenagers; besides, T-
shirts are often accompanied by graphic arts or photos. Unlike graffiti, T-shirts are mobile and
dynamic. Compared with graffiti and stickers, T-shirts are more vibrant and sensational; they
are controlled by fashion and more amenable to social and cultural change. T-shirt messages
may be found and read anywhere human beings are found, because they are not restricted to
any particular space, time or location, as are other types of messages. Those wearing T-shirts
with messages are like walking graffiti, communicating different messages about human
social concerns. Figures 1 and 2 are examples from the data.

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Figure 1

Message: ‘smoke dat w**d (weed) while reading...call it higher education.’


Figure 2


Message: ‘Shame on you girls! I’m still single.’

The present study aims at analyzing the different discursive contents of T-shirt slogans and
messages, particularly those that relate to individual and group identities, social and cultural
environments, and individual or group aspirations. Hence, the study will examine the
linguistic and discourse structures of T-shirt slogans and messages; due to its focus on
message content, it will not analyze other semiotic aspects (e.g. colours, graphic symbols etc),
as a few other studies have done.

4. Theoretical Framework

We apply the appraisal framework to examine the various stances and evaluations in language
that the Nigerian youth carry out through the messages of the T-shirts they wear. Appraisal is
a framework for the systematic analysis of evaluation and stance as they operate in texts or
group of texts (Martin 2000; White 2011). It focuses on the social function of language use
expressed in texts, not only as a means through which speaker/writer express their feelings

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and take stands, but also “engage with socially-determined value positions and thereby align
or dis-align themselves with the social subjects who hold to these positions” (White 2011:14).
This framework stems from systemic functional linguistics (SFL), which views language in
terms of its social functions. These functions are of three types: the ideational (represents the
world of experience), the interpersonal (constructs social roles, relationships and identities),
and the interpersonal (constructs language as coherent texts in relation to their social contexts;
see Halliday 1994). SFL offers a comprehensive view of evaluative resources, including
instances of attitude, and positioning and the sources of these evaluative stances in discourse
(Pascual & Unger 2010). Within the interpersonal function, the appraisal framework shows
how writers construct for themselves particular identifies in relationship to other members of
the society or social groups. Hence, appraisal is defined as “…the semantic resources used to
negotiate emotions, judgement and valuations, alongside resources for amplifying and
engaging with these evaluations” (Martin 2000:145).
The theory of appraisal proposes three systems – Attitude, Engagement, and Graduation.
Attitude refers to feelings, including emotional reactions, judgments of behaviour and
evaluation of things (Martin & White 2005). This system is also divided into three categories
namely: Affect, Judgement, and Appreciation. Affect is the “resources for expressing
feelings,” while judgement is the “resources for judging character.” Appreciation refers to
“resources for valuing the worth of things” (Martin & Rose 2003: 24). The system of Attitude
constitutes the main resource for evaluating, adopting stances, constructing textual personas
and managing interpersonal positioning and relationships. The system of Graduation includes
the resources that either strengthen or weaken attitude. The system of Engagement is
concerned with the sourcing of attitudes and the play of voices around opinions in discourse.
This system covers all the resources that the language offers for speakers to express their
interpersonal positionings in the texts they produce (White 2011; Pascual & Unger 2010).

5. Methodology
The data for this study comprise one hundred (100) T-shirt slogans and messages collected
from the University of Lagos (Unilag) and Yaba College of Technology (Yabatech), also
located in Lagos (Nigeria). Fifty-six (56) samples were obtained from Unilag, while forty-
four (44) were obtained from Yabatech. The two institutions were purposively selected, since
they are viewed as representing the hub of fashion in Nigeria, being located at Nigeria’s
commercial capital. Also, the two institutions’ student population is among the highest in the
country, with students from almost all ethnic groups; there are also hundreds of international
students. Most importantly, unlike some private and mission-based universities in Nigeria,
the two institutions do not place any restrictions on dressing. (In many private universities, T-
shirts are not allowed on campus, especially during lecture hours). These public institutions
provide a context where T-shirts are used to portray a sense of nationality and to express both
social and emotional sensitivity. In general, students in institutions of higher learning are
socially sensitive, and are often associated with radical thinking, usually expressed through
language and other semiotic means.

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The data were collected between May and August, 2012 at the campuses of the two
institutions mentioned. Research assistants personally met with T-shirt wearers and sought
their permission to copy out the messages on their T-shirts. In some cases, T-shirt wearers
posed for photos and freely gave their permission to use them (i.e. messages on their T-shirts)
for research. However, some of the youths are not really aware of the implications of
messages on T-shirts, and (since T-shirt wearers do not generally print the messages
themselves) some simply buy some T-shirts that represent their favorite colours and graphics
without really being mindful of the messages on them. Our research, however, reveals that
most of the T-shirt wearers are conscious of the words on their T-shirts and that they
deliberately bought T-shirts that represent their thoughts and beliefs.

As mentioned above, only the messages on T-shirts are analyzed. The analytical framework
here is discourse analysis (appraisal/evaluation in discourse), combined with insights from
pragmatics (particularly with regard to the pragmatic acts performed by the messages). This
follows the theoretical assumption that oral or written expressions do not merely provide
information for the hearer or reader: they perform pragmatic acts, usually not explicitly stated,
such as implicit identification with certain people, implicit expression of affection or
projection of certain social role or identities (Mey 2001). Applying the appraisal framework,
we concentrate on the attitude system, focusing on Affect, Judgement, and Appreciation,
showing some semantic domains as they operate in the discourse of T-shirt messages. For
instance, judgement or appreciation can manifest as qualities (adjectives – e.g. true African)
or processes (verbs – e.g. my money grows as grass).

The data are analyzed in groups according to their discursive topics. There are no particular
criteria for the selection of the number of samples in each group; the number was what was
available and manageable at the time of the research. Due to the limited space of this paper,
only few samples are reproduced in the examples below. The data reflect messages covering
various topics such as relationships, sex, marriage, money, religion, politics, etc. As a form of
data description, we have grouped them into four broad topics/themes and describe their
general characteristics and functions. The discursive topic groups are: (i) social relationship,
identity and culture; (ii) religious belief and affiliation; (iii) economic context and
competition; and (iv) political aspiration and attitude. 40% of the data fall under social topics,
while the rest account for 20% each.

4.1. Social relationship, identity and culture
This discursive group covers slogans and messages that reflect the young people’s
redefinition of identity, life and social values and their reaction to culture and traditional
norms; their views about sex and sexuality, love and relationship and moral virtues; it is also
about how they attempt to deal with competition and struggle for survival as well as their
socio-cultural aspirations. Messages in this group perform social functions such as
information exchange and moral advice; they also express emotions such as love and hate.
Some of them are used as a form of awareness creation, keeping records of events and dates,
and the encouragement of creativity and entertainment. Samples are listed below:

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(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
(vi)
(vii)
(viii)
(ix)
(x)
(xi)
(xii)
(xiii)
(xiv)
(xv)
(xvi)
(xvii) True African
(xviii) Give youth a future
etc.
Beauty lies in the eyes of the beholder
I am too sexy for this shirt
Jealousy is a disease, get well soon
Underneath this haughtiness, I’m only human
Be nice to fat people, one day they might save your life
Yoruba boy, Igbo sense
I’m a role model, depends on who is watching
Hating me won’t make you pretty
I wish my grade will smoke weed and get high
Make love not babies
Someone has to spend daddy’s money
Stare if you must
Never trust a girl
Me and you no dey for the same category
All rumors are true
I’m tired of being told what to think



4.2.
Religious belief and practice
T-shirt inscriptions in this category are those that reflect religious beliefs and practices of the
individual. They also suggest the individual’s perception of religion and spirituality. Under
the religious category, the messages reflect both the Christian and Muslim faith, the two main
religions in Nigeria (see Chiluwa 2008). Below are a few samples of the data:

(i)
My God is not on twitter yet he has many followers
(ii)
If God be for me, who can be against me
(iii)
The lord is my shepherd
(iv)
Allah is the way
(v)
Covenant men of souls ministry
(vi)
I am a son of David Oyedepo
(vii)
God is able
(viii)
Sango no fit face my God
(ix)
1cross+ 2 nails= 4given
(x)
Allah has set me free
(xi)
I’m God’s masterpiece
etc.


4.3. Economic context and competition
The T-shirt inscriptions in this group seem to reveal the economic situation of the country as
well as reflect the economic system of production and management of material resources.
They also reveal what individuals think about money and acquisition of wealth and their
reactions to the prevalent economic situation of Nigeria. Some of the T-shirts represent advert
messages and slogans (e.g. ‘Glo...with pride,’ ‘Classic fitted wear,’ ‘Ribena blackcurrant’
etc.); many of them are accompanied by company names, logos and trademarks. Some of the
messages and slogans in this group are listed below:

(i)
Classic fitted wear

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(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
(vi)
(vii)
(viii)
(ix)
(x)
(xi)
(xii)
(xiii)
(xiv)
(xv)
(xvi)
etc.
Fuck school, hustle hard
Stay fresh get money
Ama rep Nokia
My money grows like grass
Tom tom…soothing relief
Money is the root of all evils
Me I want money ooo
Love and money
Glo…with pride.
Pay your tax
Is it your money?
5 Alive berry blast fruit drink
Christiana Fabre
Dolce and Gabbana
Ribena blackcurrant


4.4. Political aspiration and attitude
Political topics in this group reflect the attitudes of the youth towards the Nigerian political
system. Some of the messages are skeptical of Nigeria’s democracy; some contain outright
condemnation of corruption in government. However, while some T-shirt messages mirror
some sense of commitment and dedication to some political ideals, others are merely
criticizing. Examples from the data are listed below:

(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
(vi)
(vii)
(viii)
(ix)
(x)
(xi)
(xii)
(xiii)
(xiv)
(xv)
Government must obey
Is this democracy?
Vote them out
The system is weak, we are the strong ones
I want change
Rule of law
Kill corruption not Nigerians
Power for the people
We want free and fair election
2011 election will be credible
Divide the national Moi-Moi, share the national cake
I believe in democracy
People oriented leadership
Lawlessness and anarchy
President Jonathan leads
etc.

T-shirt messages appear not particularly unique to fashion or T-shirts. Many of the messages
are familiar social slogans, clichés, and traditional sayings. This suggests that the T-shirt
designers and message writers might have culled many of the messages from familiar sources
like the Bible, famous quotes, literary works, the mass media or the Internet. For example,
‘beauty is in the eyes of the beholder,’ ‘capitalism,’ or ‘the Lord is my Shepherd,’ are
certainly not unique to T-shirts or a fashion outlet and have been used in different types of
contexts. What T-shirts message writers have done is to re-contextualize these messages for
their new audiences in an inter-textual blend of fashion and discourse of youth identity and

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juvenile self-definition. The audience for the messages is everyone who cares to read them
and not just the youth. The political messages are probably directed to public office holders;
unfortunately, however, the latter generally hardly notice them.

The T-shirt messages in the data appear as phrases and clauses. Most are written in English,
while few are written in the local pidgin. The form, structure and style of T-shirts in the data
are discussed in the following.

5. Linguistic Forms and Style of T-shirt Messages
‘Linguistic structures’ under this subheading represents grammatical forms as well as
language strategies (examples are the use of loan words and the Nigerian pidgin).




5.1 Grammatical structures

T-shirt inscriptions may contain just one word with accompanying graphic art. But the data
for this study shows that the messages are mainly phrases and clauses (or simple sentences).
Slogans are often structured as noun phrases e.g. rule of law, love and money, true African
etc. Most of these fall under the business topic category. This is to be expected because
business and political messages are often incisive and structured to persuade or influence. The
religious and social messages are more explanatory, and frequently occur as simple clauses or
sentences. Religious messages, for instance, make claims and assertions such as ‘Allah has set
me free,’ or ‘I am God’s masterpiece’; hence they are bound to be expressive and written as
full sentences. Some of the slogans and messages are verb phrases such as those that make
imperative statements like ‘vote them out ’or‘... divide the national cake’, etc. The least
frequent sentence structures are interrogatives. And when they are used, they are not
addressed to anyone in particular. They are more like rhetorical questions (e.g. ‘Is it your
money?’ ‘Is this democracy?’). These questions reflect bitterness, anger or frustration. In fact,
‘Is this your money’ represents an emerging discursive resistance to political corruption in
Nigeria among the youth (the question actually addresses politicians who have often been
accused of looting the national treasury). The study shows that declarative statements occur
more frequently in the data than do imperative and interrogative statements. This implies that
the T-shirt wearers (like producers of graffiti) have a strong need to express themselves
aggressively or powerfully (Nwoye 1993), and find in the T-shirt the medium to do so.

5. 2 Use of loan words

Since the language of the T-shirts is English, ‘loan words’ in this context mean ‘words other
than English’. They occur in T-shirt messages to express words or ideas that lack English, like
proper names such as names for God or a deity, e.g. ‘Allah,’ ‘Sango’; names of individuals
e.g. ‘David Oyedepo’; names of ethnic groups, e.g. ‘Yoruba’, ‘Igbo;’ and the name of a local
food, e.g. ‘moi-moi.’ All these give the messages a contextual and cultural flavour. It also

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shows that not all of the T-shirts were produced abroad and imported to Africa. Many of the
T-shirt messages (especially in the political and religious category) are produced locally and
for local consumption.

5.3 Nigerian pidgin in T-shirt messages

The Nigerian Pidgin serves as a neutral language among the over 450 ethnic groups in Nigeria
and is more widely spoken than the standard Nigerian English. In some cases, it is the mother
tongue for some communities and towns in the country (Ofulue 2004). It is also popular in
advertising, entertainment, music, literature and online forums hosted by Nigerians (Chiluwa
2013b). According to Ajibade et al. (2012), the Nigerian Pidgin is more popular with the
youth than with older adults. Generally, the Nigerian pidgin is easier to learn and use than
Standard English and is the preferred language in intercultural communication, after the local
languages. It is therefore not surprising that some T-shirt messages appear in the Nigerian
Pidgin. Some examples in the data are shown below:

(i)
You too dey bless me oo (You too bless me)
(ii)
reduce my wahala (reduce my trouble)
(iii)
Me I want money ooo
(iv)
U know say money no be problem (you know money is not the problem)
(v)
Me and you no dey for the same category (You and I are not in the same social
category)

The Nigerian Pidgin is employed in most cases in informal situations; it is often used to
‘crack’ jokes. Thus, it functions as a symbol of comradeship and collective consciousness.
The messages above express desires, and are actually appeals (as in examples (ii) and (iii),
above). On the surface, example (iv) sounds ironical but in actual fact, there are youths
whose problem is not money. These belong to a social class of young people who became rich
very early, and whose source of wealth is unknown. Some of them are often viewed as the
children of political office holders, even though this may not be true.

5.4 Style of T-shirt messages

The style of T-shirt messages is somewhat similar to the language style of Computer-
Mediated Communication (CMC), which according to Crystal (2011) combines features of
speech exchange and written communication. For instance, some of the words and
constructions are characteristic of short forms (e.g. ‘Ama rep Nokia’ or ‘U know say...’);
numeric figures (e.g. ‘5 Alive berry...’, or ‘1cross+2nails = 4given’) as well as correct simple
sentences. Some of the messages are slang (e.g. ‘I got Jesus swag’). An interesting equation of
the Christian ‘salvation message’ is given as ‘1 cross (one cross) + 2 nails (the two nails of
Christ in his crucifixion) = 4given (equals forgiven, i.e. the crucifixion of Jesus Christ secures
forgiveness). This is the type of linguistic creativity that is common on Facebook, Twitter, in
text messages and online forums. Again, this is not surprising, since the creative use of
language in CMC and that of fashion discourse (e.g. T-shirt inscriptions) are associated with
the same people (i.e. the youth).

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6. Analysis and Discussion
In the analysis, we examine how the discursive contents of the T-shirt messages construct the
individual self and group identities, political questions of freedom, and the young people’s
aspirations that touch on social and economic needs. It also shows how these contents are
reflected in the pragmatic acts performed by the messages.


6.1 Discourse of Identity and Self-Awareness

An identity derives from an individual’s self-awareness and perception of who he/she is (or
should be). According to Tajfel (1981:255, cited in De Fina 2006:355), identity is “that part
of an individual’s self concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership in a
social group (or groups) together with a value and emotional significance attached to that
membership.” However, people’s commitment to social or ethnic groups and the meaning
they attach to social categories change through time and in accordance with unique social
contexts (De Fina 2006). Thus, identities are progressive, and change according to how
individuals perceive themselves, or in response to their degrees of self-awareness in time and
space. In other words, an identity is not a fixed or finished product; rather, it is constructed or
deconstructed; produced by, and often imposed on individuals through dominant discourse
practices and ideologies (Georgakopoulou 2002; De Fina, Schiffrin & Bamberg 2006).

In all the T-shirt discourse topic groups identified above, there is the constant negotiation of
individual and group identities with the society, involving the perception of how to survive
and what an average youth perceives a normal society should offer. The struggle for identity
is common with youths especially as they are often very conscious of what people think about
them. So they tend to form identities for themselves and dress in a particular way to either
conform to certain rules of fashion or simply to ‘belong.’ Some believe that their dressing
(sometimes made of assorted T-shirts) will boost their self-esteem and attract friends. In the
social inscription discourse topic group for example, some messages such as:

(i)
Stare if you must
(ii)
Hating me won’t make you pretty
(iii)
Sorry I’m straight like the BRT lane
(iv)
Pretty girls turn heads, I break necks
(v)
Me and you no dey for the same category
(vi)
I’m tired of being told what to think

exemplify individual self assertions – who they are, what they are capable of and what they
should be taken for. And this is done with some expression of affect in example (iii) ‘[I am]
sorry I’m straight like the BRT lane…’ (the ‘BRT lane’ is a straight motor lane used mainly
by the Lagos State commuter buses. It is a traffic offence for private cars to run in them; BRT

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lanes are usually straight and long). However, to be ‘straight’ in Nigeria (and not only in
Nigeria) is a metaphor for hetero-oriented sexuality. Thus, in constructing an identity for him-
/herself, the wearer pragmatically dissociates himself/herself from homosexuality (the attitude
of dissociating from homosexual behaviour became common in Nigeria after the passing of
the Nigerian anti-gay law, which prescribes a 14-year jail term for same-sex couples if
convicted). Moreover, an individual comparing him- or herself to a BRT lane suggests that
the wearer is insensitive to, or just does not care about, people’s opinions, actions or feelings
towards him or her. So, ‘loving or hating’ him/her (as in example (ii) above) changes
nothing. This appears to be a dominant attitude of youths who have to confront social
practices and cultural status quos that do not represent what a modern average youth expects
of a modern lifestyle. For example, cultural norms that prescribe how to dress, how to greet,
who to marry etc., are unpopular with youths of nowadays. And in most cases they rebel and
tend to condemn indigenous tradition or religious opinion about their kind of dressing or
lifestyle. By saying: ‘stare if you must’, as in example (i) above, they perform a directive act
of command; in ‘I’m tired of being told what to do’ (in example (vi; see Fig. 3) the emotion
expressed in ‘I’m tired…’ is that of frustration and unhappiness.

Interestingly, some of the T-shirts are actually imported from Western countries, and – as the
messages on some of them tend to negate typical African traditional beliefs and values – are
sometimes viewed as having a bad influence on the youths that wear them. From the
messages analyzed above, it is clear therefore that T-shirt inscriptions do not merely inform or
state the obvious; they also reveal attitudes, identities (as in examples (iii), (iv) & (vi) above),
and aspirations; they perform the various speech acts proposed by Searle (1975) such as
directive (i.e. ordering, e.g. ‘stare if you must’); others are stating resolutions or the state of
mind, claiming or reporting decisions by the wearers (e.g. examples (iv) & (v), above).

Figure 3



Message: ‘I’m tired of being told what to think.’

In both the religious and political inscriptions, youths construct themselves in relation to their
beliefs and affiliations and reflect their emotions and judgements in relation to their social
situation. Messages like (vi) ‘I am a son of David Oyedepo,’ ‘I’m God’s masterpiece’ (self-
appreciation in relation to God), or ‘I believe in democracy’ are good examples that stress
religious sensitivity and political perception. Interestingly, example (vi) (of the religious
category) is not only a religious identification with a religion but also mirrors material

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sensitivity. David Oyedepo is a well known, pragmatic pastor of the Winners Chapel
International Church, believed to be the richest clergyman in Africa. He is said to be at the
forefront of the ‘prosperity gospel’ (see Chiluwa 2013a). Many Christian youths in Nigeria
often construct their identities around this man, not necessarily for his religious values but
rather for his wealth. In most of the samples, the pronominal ‘I’ and the objective ‘me’ feature
frequently to express individualism and self-perception.

Construction of the self and group identities features more frequently in the social and
religious inscriptions. These also reflect attitude expressed through affect, judgement and
appreciation. A few examples are listed below (repeated here for convenience from earlier
sections):

(ix)
(x)
(xi)
(xii)
(xiii)
(xiv)
(xv)

Yoruba boy, Igbo sense (negative judgement)
If you are not from Imo, forget it (positive judgement of being an Igbo)
True African (positive judgement)
Truly redeemed (positive judgement)
Allah is the way (positive judgment)
Covenant men of souls ministry (positive judgement)
Sango no fit face my God (positive judgement)
The above examples reflect group and ethnic positive constructions. Ethnic superiority and
fear of dominion are regular socio-cultural issues that pervade social and media discourses in
Nigeria. They have not only generated ethnic hatred, but have resulted in sectarian and
religious crises in the past. For instance, the Igbo of the southeast of Nigeria are generally
associated with very high intelligence (though often constructed negatively as being crafty or
fraudulent). Compared with the Yoruba of the southwest, Igbos are said to be more sensible,
enterprising and business oriented (Uwalaka, 2003), whereas the Yoruba are viewed as
tribalistic, lazy and sycophantic. To survive in Nigeria however, one is required to possess the
intelligence of the Igbo and the social abilities of the Yoruba. The T-shirt wearer, while
appearing neutral, still constructs the usual ethnic sentiment. Thus, example (x) says: ‘if you
are not from Imo, forget it’, reflecting a negative evaluation of the ‘other’ while passing a
positive judgement on being an Igbo (Imo is an Igbo state of Nigeria). Similarly, the usual
religious tension and the drive to propagate Christianity, preferring it to Islam (or vice versa)
have always permeated social discourses and practices in Nigeria (see Chiluwa 2008), and T-
shirt messages are not left out. Examples (xi), (xii) and (xiv) above reflect both Christian and
Muslim voices asserting their group beliefs as well as constructing their identification with
these religions. Interestingly, example (xv) is a Christian voice asserting the superiority of
Christianity over the African traditional religion, again reflecting a positive judgment in
accordance with some established Christian standards and beliefs (‘Sango’, the Yoruba ‘god
of thunder’, represents traditional worship, while ‘God’ represents the Christian religion).
Messages like the above (written in the local pidgin) often breed discontent between the two
religions. African traditional religion however, has lost most of its adherents to Christianity in
modern times (see Chiluwa 2013a).

While constructing their social perceptions and identities, youths are both highly conscious of
their looks and their body shape, which are believed to complement fashion. As a matter of

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fact, people with certain body shapes are constructed in terms of a particular ‘low’ social
group. This is clearly illustrated in example (v) (of the social relationship category) that says:
‘be nice to fat people, one day they might save your life.’ A negative attitude is reflected here
in stressing ‘fat,’ fat being a reflection of negative judgement. Here, ‘fat people’ are being
assigned an identity, one which of course is different from the one they assume for
themselves. This also tends to reveal the meaning of ‘true Africa’ in example (xi) above,
where a true African is defined in terms of physical beauty, like those exhibited by South
African models with slim bodies, long straight legs, narrow hips, flat bellies etc. T-shirts with
this type of message usually carry along with it the photo of a model that represents a ‘true
African’, re-echoing the traditional slogan: ‘black is beautiful.’ This kind of evaluation not
only reflects positive judgement but also appreciation.

6.2 Discourse and the Sociopolitical Context
The messages in this group reveal responses and reactions that are expressed both explicitly
and implicitly to the social and political context of Nigeria. One way the youth have done this
on T-shirts is by attempting to assume a responsibility towards solving some perceived social
and political problems; hence, the messages are didactic, such as advising against jealousy,
advising against improper family planning, advising on the right person to trust, and so on.
Example (xviii) below, for instance, is a possible response to the debate on population control
in Nigeria. Despite a population of over 160 million people (in 2011) with an annual growth
rate of 2.5%, there is no direct policy on population control. Hence, the T-shirt message
saying: ‘make love, not babies’ performs a directive act of ordering. Other pragmatic/directive
acts of advising in this category include ‘vote them out,’ ‘kill corruption not Nigerians’, etc.
These pragmatic acts or evaluations of the Nigerian situation are responses to sociopolitical
problems. In some cases, the T-shirt wearers take a stance and dis-align themselves from the
political system. In example (xix) below, for example, the message reflects a type of booster
(Hyland 2005) to express certainty, commitment and solidarity with the reader when it says:
‘the government must obey.’
(xvi)
(xvii) Make love not babies
(xviii) Never trust a girl
(xix)
Government must obey
(xx)
Vote them out
(xxi)
Rule of law
(xxii) Kill corruption not Nigerians
(xxiii) Power for the people
(xxiv) People oriented leadership
I’m a role model, depends on who is watching

Generally, political slogans in the data reflect reactions to Nigeria’s money politics and
system of administration, which have often been criticized in the media and the Internet (see
Ifukor 2010). Nigeria’s economic challenges have been attributed to poor leadership,
corruption, and poor management of public funds. The government has at various times been
accused of violations of fundamental human rights and the rule of law, and harassment of